The debate over India's long-running Maoist insurgency resurfaced on Monday after Prime Minister Narendra Modi said that Naxalism is "counting its last breaths" and credited the NDA government's development-driven approach for weakening the insurgency. Speaking at a media event in New Delhi, Modi sharply criticized the Congress, alleging that leaders who now frequently invoke the Constitution had remained silent when large parts of the country were grappling with Maoist violence. His remarks come amid continued political sparring over governance, internal security and development in tribal regions. The Prime Minister said the government's "Nation First" approach has combined security operations with welfare initiatives, infrastructure development and improved governance to reduce the influence of Left-Wing Extremism. The comments have once again brought national attention to a movement that was once considered India's biggest internal security challenge.

According to the Prime Minister, previous governments largely treated Naxal-affected regions as permanently backward areas, while the NDA focused on integrating them into the mainstream through roads, education, healthcare, digital connectivity and employment opportunities.

Modi did not directly name Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, but his remarks were widely seen as a reference to Gandhi's practice of carrying a copy of the Constitution during public events and political campaigns.

Focus on Development

During his address, Modi highlighted several flagship initiatives, including the Swachh Bharat Mission, Make in India and the promotion of local products. He said these programs were designed around the principle of putting national interests first.

The Prime Minister also pointed to the Aspirational Districts and Aspirational Blocks programmes, claiming that more than 100 districts and over 500 blocks previously categorized as backward regions have witnessed measurable improvements in governance and development indicators.

Officials have frequently argued that better infrastructure and public services in tribal and remote areas have reduced the appeal of extremist groups and strengthened state presence.

Security and Governance

The Prime Minister's comments echoed earlier statements made by Union Home Minister Amit Shah. During the Budget Session of Parliament in March, Shah stated that India had effectively become free from Naxal influence and reiterated the government's commitment to eliminating the remaining pockets of Left-Wing Extremism.

According to government data and security assessments, the geographical spread of Maoist activity has declined significantly over the past decade. Areas once considered strongholds of insurgent groups have seen increased security deployment alongside development projects.

However, security experts note that while violence has reduced substantially, isolated incidents and operational challenges remain in some forested regions of central India.

Background of the Naxalite Movement

The Naxalite movement began in 1967 in Naxalbari, a village in West Bengal's Darjeeling district. Over time, it expanded across several states, creating what became known as the "Red Corridor."

At its peak during the early 2000s, the insurgency affected large parts of central and eastern India and posed a significant challenge to internal security. Successive governments adopted a mix of security operations and welfare measures to address the issue.

Analysts say the current political debate reflects broader questions about how development, governance and security policies should be balanced in historically marginalized tribal regions.

As the government continues to emphasize both development and counter-insurgency measures, the future trajectory of Left-Wing Extremism remains an important issue in India's national security and governance agenda. The latest remarks by the Prime Minister are likely to keep the discussion at the center of political and policy debates in the coming months.

Four CRPF Jawans Martyred in IED Blast on Chhattisgarh's Kanker-Narayanpur Border

Security forces recover Naxal dump during operation triggered by inputs from surrendered militants; blast occurs while defusing device in Koroskoda jungle.

Four personnel of the security forces lost their lives in an IED explosion on Saturday in the dense forests along the Kanker-Narayanpur border in Chhattisgarh. The incident occurred during a search operation based on specific intelligence provided by Naxals who had surrendered earlier. 

On Sunday morning, the martyrs were given a solemn guard of honour in Narayanpur and Kanker districts amid heavy hearts. Senior officials, including Bastar Inspector General of Police P. Sundarraj, elected representatives, police personnel, and grieving family members attended the ceremonies. The atmosphere was sombre as tears flowed freely among the kin. After the tributes, the mortal remains were sent to the jawans' native villages for last rites.

Operation Based on Surrendered Naxal Inputs

According to officials, the force had moved into the Koroskoda jungle in the Chhote Bethiya police station area early Saturday morning following leads from recently surrendered Naxals. The region has seen sustained operations aimed at recovering IEDs planted by Maoists over the years.

While the team was attempting to defuse an IED, the device exploded with full force. Three jawans died on the spot due to severe injuries. The fourth, identified as Parmanand Korram, was critically wounded and airlifted to Raipur for advanced treatment. He succumbed to his injuries later in the hospital, officials confirmed.

Bastar IG P. Sundarraj, while confirming the details, said the operation was part of an ongoing drive against residual Naxal infrastructure. “We have been carrying out IED recovery missions based on inputs from surrendered cadres for the past few months. A Naxal dump was also recovered during this search,” he added.

Growing Focus on IED Threat

Security sources familiar with anti-Naxal operations in Bastar region noted that IEDs left behind by retreating Maoists continue to pose a significant challenge. Even as the number of active Naxals has declined due to sustained pressure and surrenders, these hidden explosive devices remain a lethal legacy of the insurgency. Forces have intensified defusing and area sanitisation efforts in recent times.

The incident has once again highlighted the risks faced by jawans in what is often described as a long-drawn battle against Left Wing Extremism. Small teams operating in thick jungles and difficult terrain frequently encounter such threats during cordon-and-search actions.

Political Reactions Pour In

Former Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Bhupesh Baghel reacted sharply to the incident. In a post on X, he targeted the BJP government at the Centre and in the state, saying mere political slogans about ending Naxalism would not suffice. 

“Naxals have left behind remnants of terror. We also need a campaign to free ourselves from these. This fight is collective. The only option is the complete elimination of anti-democratic forces,” Baghel stated.

The Congress leader’s remarks come at a time when the state government has been claiming significant progress in curbing Naxal violence through coordinated security and development initiatives.

Background of the Area

The Kanker-Narayanpur belt has historically been part of the Maoist-affected Bastar division. While large-scale encounters have reduced and several top leaders have either been neutralised or surrendered, sporadic incidents involving IEDs continue to claim lives. Local residents often express a mix of relief at declining Naxal dominance and anxiety over remaining explosive hazards that affect both security personnel and civilians.

Officials maintained that the current phase of operations draws heavily from intelligence gathered from those who have laid down arms. These inputs have reportedly helped in mapping old dumping grounds and supply routes used by the outlawed Communist Party of India (Maoist).

Families Await Answers, Forces Vow to Continue

As the bodies reached their hometowns, families of the fallen jawans grappled with sudden loss. Many of the personnel hailed from modest backgrounds and had been serving in specialised units deployed for anti-Naxal duties.

Senior police and CRPF officers have assured a thorough review of the sequence of events to further refine standard operating procedures for IED handling in hostile terrain. Operations in the region are expected to continue with heightened caution.

The martyrdom of the four jawans adds to the long list of sacrifices made by security forces in Chhattisgarh’s fight against Naxalism. While surrenders and developmental works signal a gradual shift, incidents like Saturday’s blast serve as grim reminders of the challenges that persist on the ground.

Ex-MLA Kunjam Claims Naxal Gold From Switzerland

Former tribal leader Manish Kunjam alleges the gold recovered from surrendered Naxalites in Chhattisgarh came from Swiss banks, not local funds, and questions the real aim behind their long-standing “jal-jungle-jameen” campaign.

Kunjam Speaks at Dantewada  

Former MLA from Konta in Sukma district and prominent tribal leader Manish Kunjam has made a sensational claim about the source of gold recovered from Naxalites. Addressing the media at the Dantewada Circuit House, Kunjam said the gold found with the extremists originated from Switzerland. He demanded that the state government launch a thorough probe into the foreign link.

Gold Haul From Recent Surrenders  

On March 31, the deadline set for ending Naxalism in Chhattisgarh, 25 Naxalites surrendered in Bijapur district. Police recovered more than seven kilograms of gold from them, valued at over ₹11 crore. Earlier, another 1.5 kg of gold was seized from Naxalites who surrendered in Jagdalpur. The recoveries have been described as one of the biggest hauls in recent anti-Naxal operations.

Naxal Gold From Switzerland  

Kunjam asserted that while local people may have provided some funds to the Naxalites, the gold itself reached them through foreign banks. “The gold recovered from Naxalites came from Switzerland. The money they got was from our own people, but the gold came from banks abroad,” he said. He urged authorities to trace the international trail without delay.

Real Motive Behind ‘Jal-Jungle-Jameen’  

The former MLA challenged the Naxalites’ decades-old slogan of protecting water, forests and land. According to him, saving hills, rivers and jungles was never their goal. “They talked about the fight for jal-jungle-jameen for years, but their real target was to hoist the red flag at the Red Fort,” Kunjam stated. He accused them of using the tribal cause only as a cover for larger political ambitions.

Mining Extortion Alleged  

Kunjam raised serious questions about mining activities in the region. He recalled how villagers in several districts had launched prolonged protests against mining in areas like Amdai and Raoghat. Despite the resistance, the mines became operational. He alleged that Naxalites started allowing mining only after receiving payments. “Rates were later hiked and extortion began,” he claimed.

Agents Delivered Crores  

The tribal leader said his team possesses evidence of large cash transfers. “Agents used to deliver crores of rupees to the Naxalites. Mining work began the moment the money reached them,” Kunjam revealed. He added that if payments were delayed, the Naxalites would trigger some incident to pressure the payers. He promised to make the evidence public at the appropriate time.

Impact on Anti-Naxal Campaign  

The claims come at a time when the Chhattisgarh government has intensified its drive against left-wing extremism. The March 31 surrenders and the massive recovery of gold and cash worth nearly ₹14 crore have boosted morale in security circles. Kunjam’s statement has added a new dimension to the ongoing operations, shifting focus towards possible foreign funding networks.

What Lies Ahead  

Security forces and the state administration are expected to examine Kunjam’s allegations closely. If verified, the Switzerland link could expose deeper international connections in the Naxal network. Tribal leaders and local communities are watching the government’s response, as the issue touches both development concerns and internal security. The coming days may see further statements from officials and possibly fresh investigations into the funding trail of Naxalites in Bastar.

Lok Sabha Passes IBC Amendment Bill as Parliament Debates Maoism, Rupee, and Budget Session's Close

The Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code Amendment Bill clears Lok Sabha amid heated exchanges over the falling rupee, left-wing extremism, and the looming end of the Budget Session 2026.

Parliament Passes Key Reform Bill

The Lok Sabha on Monday passed the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (Amendment) Bill, 2025, marking a significant legislative step aimed at streamlining India's debt resolution framework. Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, who introduced the bill on March 27, told the House that 40 members contributed to its discussion and that lessons drawn from nearly a decade of IBC implementation had shaped the amendments. The bill, earlier referred to a Select Committee, seeks to reduce procedural delays and improve outcomes for creditors, debtors, and the broader economy.

Rupee Row Stalls House

Before the bill sailed through, the opposition triggered an uproar over the depreciation of the Indian rupee against the US dollar — a flashpoint sharpened by the ongoing West Asia conflict and its disruptions to global trade. Sitharaman stood her ground, asserting that the rupee's performance compared favourably to other emerging market currencies. "The economy is strong, our fiscal deficit is under control, and foreign exchange reserves are healthy," she said, deflecting opposition charges of economic mismanagement.

IBC Was Never a Debt Tool

Responding to criticism that the IBC had effectively functioned as a recovery mechanism for banks rather than a resolution framework, Sitharaman was emphatic. "IBC never intended to be a debt recovery tool," she told the House, adding that the legislation had, over time, contributed to stronger credit ratings for companies that underwent resolution. She also highlighted special provisions under Sections 240A and 29AC of the amended code, which offer protections and exemptions specifically designed for micro, small, and medium enterprises.

Naxal-Free India Debate Begins

The day's second major discussion centred on left-wing extremism, with Shiv Sena MP Shrikant Shinde opening the floor debate. Union Home Minister Amit Shah — who has repeatedly set March 31, 2026, as the deadline for eliminating Naxalism — was expected to address the House around 5 pm. Shinde noted that Maharashtra is actively working to make Gadchiroli, one of the last strongholds of Maoist activity, completely free of extremist influence. BJP MP Kamaljeet Sehrawat underlined that Naxalism had long denied entire districts access to development and public welfare programmes.

BJP, Opposition Trade Barbs

The debate turned sharply partisan. BJP MP Sambit Patra charged that Congress had "romanticised Maoism" during its years in power. Party colleague Sudhanshu Trivedi went further, alleging that the National Advisory Council under the UPA government had openly sympathised with Maoists while criticising Central Armed Police Forces operations. He also claimed that former Home Minister P. Chidambaram had once urged Maoists to engage in peace talks without abandoning their ideology — contrasting that era with what he called the Modi government's unambiguous demand for ideological surrender before reintegration.

RJD MP Abhay Kumar Sinha countered that Maoism was a product of systemic exploitation of Dalits and other marginalised communities, and held the BJP responsible for job losses in Bihar linked to halted mining activity.

Modi Tops Global Leader Poll

Amid the political skirmishes, Sitharaman offered an unusual defence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, citing what she described as a recent international survey of presidents and prime ministers in which Modi ranked as the world's most popular leader. The claim, made in response to opposition questions about the PM's credibility, drew cheers from the treasury benches and scepticism from across the aisle.

Session May End Early

As the Budget Session approaches its final days, sources indicated that the government may adjourn proceedings before April 2, potentially cutting short the session ahead of upcoming state elections. The government is also not planning to introduce a constitutional amendment bill to advance women's reservation — a proposal to expand Lok Sabha seats from 543 to 816 while reserving 273 for women will not move forward in the current session, according to sources.

As Parliament readies to conclude the Budget Session 2026, the passage of the IBC Amendment Bill stands as one of its substantive legislative outcomes — even as debates on economic management, internal security, and political accountability continue to define the floor's character.

Nine Naxalites, Including 36-Year Veteran of CPI(M), Surrender Before Andhra Pradesh Police

Senior Central Committee member Suresh, carrying a bounty of ₹25 lakh, gives up arms along with eight cadres from Chhattisgarh as the March 31 deadline closes in

A Senior Commander Steps Out

A senior Maoist commander with nearly four decades inside one of India's most feared insurgent outfits walked out of the jungle on Sunday and surrendered before the Director General of Police in Andhra Pradesh — marking one of the most significant individual capitulations in the recent crackdown on Left Wing Extremism.

Chelluri Narayan Rao, known within CPI (Maoist) circles as Suresh, was the Secretary of the Andhra-Odisha Border Special Zonal Committee (AOBSZC) and a member of the Central Committee. He had been active in the organisation for approximately 36 years. He was accompanied by eight other cadres, taking the total reward value of the surrendering group to ₹48 lakh.

Who Are the Nine Naxalites?

Eight of the nine individuals who surrendered hail from Sukma and Bijapur districts of Chhattisgarh. They were active across various units including the PLGA battalion, area committees, and local guerrilla formations. The state government's surrender and rehabilitation policy entitles them to reward money and other assistance aimed at reintegrating former cadres into civilian life.

Suresh himself carried a declared bounty of ₹25 lakh. Among others in the group, Kartam Lachhu had a reward of ₹5 lakh, while Kartam Adame alias Nangi, Muchaki Masa alias Ajit, Podiyam Raje, and Madvi Jogi each had ₹4 lakh on their heads. Muchaki Laxman, Madivi Adama, and Kaditi Hurre each carried a reward of ₹1 lakh. All nine were handed ₹20,000 each as immediate relief upon surrender.

A History of Violence

According to Andhra Pradesh Police, Suresh was no passive functionary. He is believed to have had a role in the 2018 killings of Andhra Pradesh MLA Kidari Sarveshwara Rao and former legislator Siveri Someshwara Rao. He is also said to have participated in multiple ambushes and attacks on security personnel over the years. His surrender, police officials noted, effectively removes one of the last remaining senior-most operational links in the AOBSZC's command structure.

Why They Chose to Walk Away

The surrendering cadres cited a combination of factors for their decision. The deaths and arrests of several top Maoist leaders, shrinking public support for the armed movement, and the government's structured rehabilitation framework — which offers financial aid, housing, and educational support — all played a role, according to officials present at the surrender. Along with themselves, the group handed over a cache of weapons including one INSAS rifle, five .303 rifles, and six single-shot rifles.

Bastar's Last Big Commander Had Already Fallen

Sunday's development followed a significant surrender five days earlier. On March 25, a major Naxal cadre identified as Paparao — described as the last significant fighting commander in the West Bastar Division — surrendered before security forces in Jagdalpur, handing over weapons as part of the state government's Poona Margem rehabilitation initiative. Paparao, 56, a resident of Sukma district, was a member of the DKSZCM and served as in-charge of the West Bastar Division Committee. He arrived with 18 companions, including 10 men and eight women. The group surrendered eight AK-47s, one SLR, one INSAS rifle, and other arms, along with ₹12 lakh in cash.

With Paparao's exit, security officials say the West Bastar Division Committee of the Maoists has effectively ceased to exist as an operational force.

The Bigger Picture: A Movement in Freefall

Over the past 26 months, more than 2,714 Maoist cadres have returned to the mainstream across Chhattisgarh — a rate of surrender unprecedented in six decades of the insurgency. In 2025 alone, more than 1,500 Naxalites laid down their arms.

Since January 2024, 2,100 Naxalites have surrendered, 1,785 have been arrested, and 477 have been eliminated. Senior commanders of the calibre of Madvi Hidma and the organisation's secretary Basavaraj were neutralised in encounters last year, gutting the command structure that once directed operations across the Red Corridor.

State officials have indicated that nearly 96 per cent of Bastar's geographical area is now free from Naxal influence, and that no DKSZC-rank active Maoists remain operational in the state.

What Comes Next

The government's self-imposed deadline to dismantle armed Naxalism expires on March 31, 2026 — a date that now sits just hours away. With a week to the deadline, five of the eight districts that continued to face the Naxal menace were in Chhattisgarh — Bijapur, Sukma, Narayanpur, Kanker, and Dantewada. Security deployments in these areas remain heavy.

Plans are underway to convert nearly 400 security camps — once the operational pivot of the anti-Maoist campaign — into public infrastructure including schools, hospitals, and centres for processing minor forest produce. The transition signals a deliberate shift from counter-insurgency to development as the state looks to consolidate gains made on the ground.

For now, the surrender of Suresh and his eight companions adds to a tally that would have seemed implausible even two years ago.

Bastar Naxal Crackdown: Major Cadre Surrenders With Weapons as Chhattisgarh's Anti-Maoist Drive Enters Final Phase

With just days left before the government's March 31 deadline, another significant Maoist cadre has laid down arms in Bastar — and the weapons surrendered tell a story of a movement in deep retreat.

The Surrender

A significant Naxal cadre from the Paparav area of Bastar has surrendered before security forces in Jagdalpur, handing over weapons and choosing to join the mainstream under the state government's Poona Margem rehabilitation initiative.

The surrender is the latest in a relentless wave of capitulations across Chhattisgarh's most sensitive districts — Bijapur, Sukma, Dantewada, and now Bastar — as the government's March 31, 2026 deadline to eliminate Left Wing Extremism closes in by the day.

A Movement in Freefall

The numbers tell the story more clearly than any single arrest or surrender can.

In just the past 26 months, over 2,714 Maoist cadres have returned to the mainstream across Chhattisgarh — a pace of surrender that the insurgency has never experienced in its six-decade history. In 2025 alone, more than 1,500 Naxalites laid down their arms. And in March 2026, the surrenders have accelerated dramatically.

Just weeks ago, 108 Naxalites — including six divisional committee members — surrendered at Jagdalpur, handing over a large cache of weapons along with Rs 3.61 crore in cash and one kilogram of gold recovered from Maoist hideouts. It was the largest seizure of cash and valuables from a single Maoist location in the history of anti-Naxal operations in India.

Before that, 210 cadres — including a Central Committee member — surrendered in what became the largest single-day mass surrender in the history of Chhattisgarh's anti-Naxal campaign. They handed over 153 weapons including AK-47 rifles, INSAS rifles, Self Loading Rifles, carbines, and Barrel Grenade Launchers.

What Is Driving the Surrenders

The surrender wave is not happening in a vacuum. It is the product of a deliberate, multi-pronged strategy that has taken years to reach this tipping point.

Security operations have systematically dismantled the Maoist logistical supply chain. Over 450 Naxal bodies have been recovered in the past two seasons in Bastar alone. Senior commanders — men and women who once directed operations across thousands of square kilometres of forest — have been killed, captured, or have surrendered. The Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee, once the most powerful regional Maoist body in the country, has been hollowed out from the inside.

At the same time, the Poona Margem rehabilitation initiative — which translates as "from rehabilitation to social reintegration" — has offered cadres a credible exit. Surrendering Naxalites receive financial assistance, skill development training, employment linkages under the new Industrial policy, and land benefits. For young tribal men and women who were recruited into the movement in conditions of poverty and fear, this is a genuinely different offer than anything the Maoist organisation can provide.

The Political Significance

Union Home Minister Amit Shah has staked enormous political capital on the March 31, 2026 deadline — declaring that Abujhmarh and North Bastar, once considered the most impenetrable Maoist heartlands in India, are now free of Naxal presence. Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai has called the surrender wave a vindication of the state's development-and-security twin-track approach.

IG Bastar Range Sundarraj Pattilingam has been unambiguous in his assessment: "Their days are numbered. They have only one option — either surrender or face the same action as other cadres."

Those are not the words of a counter-insurgency campaign managing a stalemate. They are the words of a force that believes it is winning.

What Remains

Three districts — Bijapur, Sukma, and Narayanpur — still have an active Naxal presence, though significantly degraded. The hardened ideological core of the movement — those who will not surrender under any circumstances — remains a real, if shrinking, threat.

The March 31 deadline was never a magic number that would make the remaining cadres vanish overnight. What it has done is create an irreversible psychological momentum — a belief, among both security forces and Maoist cadres, that the movement's end is near.

One more cadre has surrendered in Paparav. One more weapon handed over. One more person choosing roads, schools, and a future over forests, explosives, and a dying cause.

Bastar is not there yet. But it has never been closer.