According to party sources, the survey evaluates sitting MLAs' performance, their ground-level support base, and their prospects of winning, assessed across three distinct levels. The party's sharpest focus is on the 61 seats it has lost consistently over multiple election cycles. Feedback is being gathered from the RSS, party workers and the general public before the BJP begins finalising its next electoral strategy and candidate selection on these seats.

The 61 seats break down across three regions. In eastern Uttar Pradesh, 22 seats across districts including Azamgarh, Mau, Jaunpur, Ghazipur and Mirzapur have gone against the BJP for three consecutive elections. In western Uttar Pradesh, 13 Muslim-Dalit-majority seats across Saharanpur, Moradabad and Bijnor districts have similarly eluded the party. And across Awadh and central Uttar Pradesh, 26 seats spanning Rae Bareli, Sultanpur, Pratapgarh, Barabanki, Unnao, Hardoi, Fatehpur and Ambedkar Nagar districts round out the list. Of these 61 seats, 27 involve a direct contest with the Samajwadi Party, which has consistently won them.

The survey isn't limited to BJP's own seats — it also covers constituencies held by its alliance partners, including Nishad Party, Apna Dal, Rashtriya Lok Dal and the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party (SBSP).

Alongside the survey, the party has also been testing its own workers' knowledge and organisational readiness. Between July 6 and 28, the BJP conducted a nationwide online examination for party workers and office-bearers, covering the history and working culture of both the RSS and BJP, administered through the party's Saral app. Office-bearers from all six of the party's front organisations took part. Of 5.34 lakh workers from Uttar Pradesh who appeared for the test, 4.82 lakh passed — a success rate exceeding 90%, which the state reportedly recorded as the highest in the country.

Taken together, the survey and the internal examination point to a BJP state unit treating its 2027 preparation as a long-game, ground-up exercise — mapping precisely where it's weak, testing whether its own workers are organisationally sharp enough to close those gaps, and doing both well over a year before voters actually go to the polls.