Election Commission of India - Dainik Jagran English

Mamata Files Nomination from Bhabanipur for West Bengal Polls 2026

Abhishek Joshi — Wed, 08 Apr 2026 13:28:15 +0530

Mamata Banerjee Files Nomination from Bhabanipur as Bengal Poll Battle Heats Up

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee on Wednesday filed her nomination papers from the Bhabanipur assembly constituency in Kolkata, setting the stage for a high-stakes contest against BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari in the upcoming state elections. The move comes amid growing tensions between the Trinamool Congress and the Election Commission over voter list revisions and official transfers.

High-Profile Clash in Kolkata Seat

Bhabanipur, a traditional TMC stronghold in south Kolkata, has emerged as one of the most watched constituencies in the 2026 West Bengal assembly polls. Mamata Banerjee, who has represented the seat in the past, arrived at the Survey Building to submit her papers. Shortly after filing, she addressed supporters, extending greetings across communities and pledging to work not just for Bhabanipur but for every corner of the state.

“I extend my greetings, my thanks, my respects, my salaam, my Jai Jinendra and Sat Shri Akaal to everyone. Today, as I filed my nomination, I want to say that along with the Bhabanipur constituency, I will work for every centre and every area. We will form the government,” Banerjee said.

Suvendu Adhikari Named BJP Candidate

The BJP has fielded Suvendu Adhikari, Leader of Opposition in the state assembly, from the same seat. Adhikari, a former TMC leader who switched sides and defeated Banerjee from Nandigram in 2021, filed his nomination earlier on April 2. The direct contest between the two senior leaders has turned Bhabanipur into a symbolic battleground for urban and political dominance in Bengal.

TMC Delegation’s Tense Meeting with CEC

Meanwhile, a TMC delegation led by Rajya Sabha MP Derek O’Brien met the Chief Election Commissioner on Wednesday morning to raise concerns over the transfer of officials and the conduct of free and fair polls. The meeting lasted barely five minutes and ended on a sour note.

O’Brien later claimed that the CEC told the delegation to “get lost” within seven minutes. “The meeting started at 10:02 AM and ended at 10:07 AM. When we told him that you are transferring officials, and how you would want to conduct a free and fair election? And then he said, leave from here,” O’Brien alleged.

ECI Urges Decorum, Denies Allegations

Election Commission sources, however, countered the claim, stating that O’Brien was asked to maintain decorum in the Commission room. Officials described the behaviour as inappropriate and clarified that shouting is not acceptable during such meetings. The poll panel has repeatedly vowed to ensure fear-free elections in West Bengal, which is scheduled to vote in two phases on April 23 and April 29.

Massive Voter List Revision Sparks Row

The controversy comes days after the Election Commission released the final voter list following the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) process. Nearly 91 lakh names — about 11.85 per cent of the electorate — were deleted from West Bengal’s rolls since the exercise began last November. Of these, over 27 lakh were removed after judicial scrutiny of cases placed under adjudication.

The deletions have reduced the state’s electorate significantly, from around 7.66 crore to roughly 6.75 crore. TMC leaders have questioned the timing and scale of the revisions, while the Commission maintains the process was aimed at cleaning up the rolls and removing ineligible entries.

Broader Poll Landscape in Eastern States

As activity intensifies in Bengal, polling preparations are in full swing in other states going to the polls shortly. Assam, Kerala, and Puducherry are set to vote in a single phase on April 9, with campaigning concluding on Tuesday evening. EVMs and polling materials have already been dispatched to booths across these regions.

In Tamil Nadu, senior DMK leaders including Chief Minister MK Stalin and Deputy Chief Minister Udhayanidhi Stalin continued their campaign trail on Wednesday, highlighting welfare schemes such as housing for over 10 lakh people and free laptops for students.

Opposition Voices and Campaign Rhetoric

BJP leaders, meanwhile, have kept up their attack on the TMC government. Senior BJP MP Nishikant Dubey stressed the need to restore Bengal’s identity, while other candidates raised issues of law and order and women’s empowerment. The party released its sixth list of candidates for the state recently.

The Trinamool Congress has accused the poll body of bias and demanded a level playing field. The Election Commission has dismissed such charges and called for all parties to cooperate in maintaining the integrity of the electoral process.

What Lies Ahead for Bengal Voters

With nominations underway and the model code of conduct in force, the focus now shifts to campaigning and ground-level mobilisation. The Bhabanipur contest is expected to draw national attention as a test of strength between Banerjee and Adhikari. Larger issues such as voter list accuracy, official neutrality, and development promises will dominate the narrative in the days to come.

The final electoral rolls are now frozen, and the stage is set for what promises to be a fiercely fought assembly election in West Bengal. Both the ruling TMC and the BJP are leaving no stone unturned to consolidate their support bases ahead of the crucial polling dates in late April.

Kerala Election 2026 Official Dates: Single Phase Voting on April 9, Counting on May 4 — LDF Vs UDF Battle for 140 Seats Begins

Nitin Trivedi — Sun, 15 Mar 2026 17:47:51 +0530

The wait is over for Kerala's 2.7 crore voters. The Election Commission of India officially announced on Sunday, March 15 that the Kerala Legislative Assembly Election 2026 will be held in a single phase on April 9, with votes counted and results declared on May 4. With the announcement, the Model Code of Conduct came into immediate force across the state — barring the government from making new policy announcements, transferring officials, or using state resources for political campaigning from this moment forward.

Full Election Schedule at a Glance

Kerala will vote across all 140 assembly constituencies simultaneously on April 9 in a single phase — consistent with the state's decades-long tradition of conducting elections in one go given its compact geography and strong administrative infrastructure. The notification for the election is expected to be issued shortly, with the last date for filing nominations, scrutiny of nominations, and the last date for withdrawal of candidatures to follow in sequence over the coming weeks. Counting of votes will take place on May 4, with final results expected to be declared by the evening of the same day.

Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar, addressing the press conference in New Delhi on Sunday, confirmed that preparations across Kerala had been completed in full — including the Special Intensive Revision of voter rolls, security assessments, and coordination with district administration. The CEC termed the upcoming elections a "festival of pride" and made a special appeal to first-time and young voters to participate enthusiastically.

The Big Battle: Can LDF Make History With a Third Consecutive Term?

At the heart of the Kerala election story is a question that has never been answered yes in the state's post-independence political history — can a government win three consecutive terms?

The Left Democratic Front, led by Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan and anchored by the Communist Party of India (Marxist), is attempting precisely that. In 2021, the LDF made history by becoming the first front to win back-to-back elections in Kerala — sweeping 99 of 140 seats in a decisive mandate that was widely seen as a personal endorsement of Vijayan's governance during the COVID-19 pandemic. The CPI(M) alone won 62 seats with a 25.38 percent vote share — the largest single-party performance in the state's recent history.

Now, five years later, the LDF is asking voters to do something even more historic — give the same front a third straight term. The front enters the campaign with the advantage of incumbency and a record of stable governance but faces serious questions on multiple fronts — a gold smuggling case that implicated people close to the Chief Minister's office, allegations of corruption in the Life Mission housing scheme, the Sabarimala gold theft controversy, and what the opposition describes as rising debt and unemployment under LDF rule.

UDF Smells Blood — Congress Leads a Confident Comeback

The Congress-led United Democratic Front is entering this election with considerably more confidence than it carried into 2021. The UDF has been systematically building a narrative around anti-incumbency — pointing to what it calls governance failures, financial mismanagement, and the series of controversies that have surrounded the LDF government during its second term.

In 2021, the Congress secured 21 seats as the principal UDF party with a 25.12 percent vote share — nearly identical to the CPI(M)'s share yet producing dramatically fewer seats, a reflection of how votes were distributed across constituencies. The Indian Union Muslim League secured 15 seats, and Kerala Congress (Mani) won five. The UDF collectively won 41 seats — a number the front is determined to dramatically improve upon this April.

The Congress has been energised nationally by its 2024 general election performance in Kerala, where the UDF swept 18 of the state's 20 Lok Sabha seats — a result that gave the front enormous momentum heading into the assembly contest.

BJP Chasing Its First Kerala Seat

The BJP and its National Democratic Alliance partners enter the 2026 election still searching for their first-ever victory in a Kerala assembly constituency. Despite consistent improvement in vote share over successive elections, the BJP won zero seats in 2021 while its allies the Revolutionary Socialist Party and Bharath Dharma Jana Sena also drew blanks. The party is hoping that its strong performance in certain constituencies during the 2024 Lok Sabha election provides a platform to finally break through — with the Thrissur and Thiruvananthapuram constituencies watched most closely.

New Features at the Polling Booth in 2026

The Election Commission has introduced several new measures for the Kerala election. Candidate photographs will now appear on Electronic Voting Machines — a first for the state — to help voters make more informed choices. One hundred percent webcasting will be implemented at all polling stations across Kerala to ensure complete transparency. Senior citizens and persons with disabilities will have the option to vote from their homes under the home voting facility. Booth Level Officers across the state have been issued identification cards and their remuneration has been increased ahead of the election.

Manipur Under President’s Rule: Why the Center is in a Tight Spot as the One-Year Deadline Looms

Abhishek Joshi — Sun, 25 Jan 2026 18:06:28 +0530

Under the Indian Constitution, extending President's Rule beyond one year isn't a simple administrative "check-the-box" task. It involves rigorous legal hurdles that are currently putting the spotlight back on Article 356 and the restoration of democracy in the Northeast.

The Numbers Game: Manipur’s History with Article 356

While Jammu & Kashmir holds the record for the most days under central control, Manipur holds a different, perhaps more troubling, record.

Most Frequent Use: Manipur has seen President's Rule imposed 11 times since 1953, the highest for any Indian state.
Political Shifts: Statistically, in nearly two-thirds of cases nationwide, the ruling party changes once President's Rule is lifted.
Duration: Punjab follows J&K in terms of total days, but Manipur’s frequent instability highlights a recurring breakdown of constitutional machinery.

Why the One-Year Mark is a Legal "Dead End"

According to the provisions of the Indian Constitution, President's Rule is initially granted for six months. It can be extended for another six months with parliamentary approval. However, to cross the one-year threshold, two specific conditions must be met under Article 356:

National Emergency: A National Emergency (Article 352) must be in operation in the whole of India or the specific state.
ECI Certification: The Election Commission of India (ECI) must certify that holding general elections to the Legislative Assembly is difficult due to the prevailing situation.

Currently, India is not under a National Emergency. Therefore, unless the ECI officially declares that Manipur is too unstable for elections, the Center has no legal choice but to restore the state government or conduct polls.

The Role of the Governor and Article 365

The imposition of President’s Rule in Manipur usually stems from a report by the Governor stating that the state cannot be governed according to constitutional provisions.

Interestingly, Article 365 provides another trigger: if a state fails to comply with directions from the Center, the President can deem it a failure of constitutional machinery. In Manipur's case, the prolonged ethnic violence and the inability of the local administration to maintain order made the transition to central rule inevitable a year ago.

The "S.R. Bommai" Shield

The misuse of Article 356 has been a point of contention in Indian politics for decades. However, the landmark S.R. Bommai Case (1994) changed the game. The Supreme Court ruled that:

The President’s proclamation is subject to judicial review.
The court can examine if the decision was based on "malafide intention" (bad faith).
The state assembly should only be dissolved after Parliament approves the proclamation, not before.

This means the Center cannot indefinitely keep Manipur under its thumb without facing judicial scrutiny, especially if the "malafide" argument is raised by the opposition.

What Lies Ahead for Manipur?

As the February 13 deadline nears, the "binding" nature of the law forces a decision. The Center must either facilitate the return of a popular government or present a compelling case to the ECI regarding the security situation. For the people of Manipur, the end of President's Rule represents a hope for the return of local representation and a move toward long-term peace.

Electoral Trust Donations Hit ₹3,811 Crore in 2024–25 After Bond Ban; BJP Gets 82% Share

Danik Jagran English — Thu, 25 Dec 2025 19:15:03 +0530

Electoral Trust Donations Surge After Electoral Bonds Ban

Electoral trust donations have touched a massive ₹3,811 crore in the financial year 2024–25, marking a sharp rise in political funding after the Supreme Court banned electoral bonds earlier this year. According to data submitted by electoral trusts to the Election Commission of India (ECI), the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) emerged as the biggest beneficiary, receiving ₹3,112 crore, which is nearly 82% of the total donations.

In contrast, the Congress received ₹299 crore, accounting for less than 8% of the total funds, highlighting a widening gap in political fundraising through formal and transparent channels.

What Are Electoral Trust Donations?

Electoral trust donations refer to funds collected by registered electoral trusts from companies and individuals and then distributed to political parties. These trusts are required to:

Disclose donor details to the Election Commission

Transfer funds only through banking channels

Distribute at least 95% of collected funds within the same financial year

This mechanism has gained importance after the electoral bonds ban, as it offers greater transparency in political funding.

Donations Triple Compared to Last Year

According to ECI data available till 20 December, 9 out of 19 registered electoral trusts donated ₹3,811 crore in 2024–25. This is more than three times the ₹1,218 crore donated in 2023–24, showing how quickly political funding patterns have shifted.

All parties other than the BJP together received around ₹400 crore, roughly 10% of the total donations.

Prudent and Progressive Trusts Lead BJP Funding

The Prudent Electoral Trust was the largest contributor:

Total donation: ₹2,668 crore

To BJP: ₹2,180.07 crore (82%)

To Congress: ₹21.63 crore

Major corporate donors to Prudent include Jindal Steel & Power, Megha Engineering, Bharti Airtel, Aurobindo Pharma, and Torrent Pharmaceuticals.

The Progressive Electoral Trust, the second-largest donor, contributed:

Total: ₹914.97 crore

To BJP: ₹757.62 crore

To Congress: ₹77.34 crore

Together, these two trusts accounted for the bulk of BJP funding in the current financial year.

Electoral Bonds Ban Reshapes Political Funding

Electoral bonds, introduced in 2018, were struck down by the Supreme Court in February 2024 due to concerns over lack of transparency. In 2023–24 alone, 43% of BJP’s total donations came through electoral bonds.

After the ban, electoral trust donations have become the primary legal and transparent route for corporate political contributions.

Why This Matters Now

Experts say the latest data raises important questions about political finance balance, corporate influence, and electoral fairness. While transparency has improved, the heavy concentration of funds with one party may influence future policy debates and electoral competition.

As India heads into a politically active phase, electoral trust donations will remain under close public and regulatory scrutiny, shaping the future of political funding in the country.